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WESTMORELAND COUNTY MEETING.


       In the account which we gave of this meeting in our paper of the 25th
ult. we gave Mr. BROUGHAM's speech at length: as want of room then compelled
us to omit Mr. WYBERGH's, we now subjoin the best report of it which we have
been able to obtain. When the difficulty of taking down in short hand the
speeches delivered from the hustings is considered, we are sure our friends will
readily excuse any little inaccuracies which may be discovered.

       Gentlemen, - The Noble Earl, Hereditary High Sheriff of this County,
having been pleased to comply with the Requisition for a County Meeting, which
I, with several other gentlemen had the honour to present to our Lordship, and
having appointed this day for holding such meeting, I am desired to submit to
your consideration certain Resolutions, which have been carefully drawn up by
a Committee of Freeholders, and founded entirely on the terms of the
Requsition.

       These Resolutions are, in effect and substance, precisely the same as
those which are moved and carried at Wigton, in the sister County of
Cumberland, on Wednesday last.  They were unanimously approved of there, and received
by the Meeting with acclamation; not a single dissentient voice was heard, and
I am sanguine enough to hope that they will be equally well received by  those
whom I now have the honour of addressing.

       This meeting is called to give the Freeholders and Inhabitants of this
county an opportunity of expressing their sentiments upon the lamentable
transactions which took place at Manchester on the 16th of August last, and for
petitioning for a solemn enquiry into the causes and circumstances of such
transactions.

       The transactions themselves have been represented in the public papers
in two very different ways. - By the Courier and other Ministerial papers, on
the part of the Magistrates and Yeomanry - and by other papers which, to be
consistent, I shall call anti-ministerial against them.

       The Courier tells us that the Manchester Meeting on the 16th was
illegally assembled - that when assembled, it was disorderly, and riotously
conducted; and that the only speech there made had a tendency to excite sedition -
that the civil power was prevented from executing the due process of the law by
acte of violence on the part of the people - and that a Magistrate proceeded
to read the Riot Act, and that Proclamation was made among the rioters, or "as
near to them as he could get with safety, and with a loud voice" - which are
the very words of the statute, - that after the Proclamation was so made, the
people refused to disperse. That the Magistrate then thought it advisable to
call in the assistance of the military to enforce the due execution of the law -
pardon me, Gentlemen, I ought to have said the Manchester Yeomanry Cavalry;
but you will observe I was only quoting from the Courier. Lastly that this
celebrated Corps conducted themselves with much forbearance and the greatest
humanity towards the misguided multitude. This is the statement given by the
ministerial papers. It must be confessed Gentlemen, that if the Riot Act was read,
and if the Proclamation to disperse was actually made with a loud voice; and
if, indeed, a grievous fault" ' and grievously have the people answered it.'
But, Gentlemen, as I said before, there is another very different way of telling
the story. In the anti-minsterial papers we were told that the meeting was
legally convened - that the object of it was perfectly legitimate, being called
for the purpose of petitioning for a Reform in the Commons House of Parliament;
and that Meetings for such petitions have been uninterruptedly held, and
universally considered legitimate ever since the present illustrious House of
Brunswick sat on the Throne of these realms.

       We are also told, that the meeting, was not only legally assembled -
but that it was orderly and peaceably conducted, that no act of violence was
committed, and that the speech, which was delivered, was a strong exhortation to
the people to continue their quiet and peaceable demeanour - that the process
of the law was not even attempted to be enforced by a civic power; and, that
the Yeomanry Cavalry, instead of acting with forbearance and humanity, rode in
among this immense multitude with the most savage impetuosity; and so blind
and indiscriminate was their fury, that the first victim that fell, was an
unfortunate, unoffending Peace-officer of their own party.

       Gentlemen, can both these accounts be true? Is it possible that the
Meeting could be legal and illegal; that the people could be peaceable and
riotous; or that the military, (I again beg pardon) the gallant Yeomanry Cavalry,
could act with humanity, and at the same moment, with the ferocity of wild
beasts? It is perfectly impossible to reconcile these contradictions. There are,
however, facts which are admitted on both sides. It is not denied by any, that
the Meeting, be it legal or illegal - was dispersed at the point of a sword;
by the Yeomanry Cavalry; and that in such dispersion, several of his Majesty's
liege subjects lost their lives. Do not these admitted facts call of
themselves for  solemn and severe investigation? Without taking into our consideration
the various contradictions which it has been my endeavour to state to you 
with impartiality.

       Gentlemen, after the loss of so may lives - after the grievous wounds
given, not only to the people, but apparently to the Constitution under which
we live - have we no right to demand a national inquiry? His Majesty's
Ministers think otherwise. - Far be it from me to say they delight in blood; - but I
cannot refrain from observing that they have not thought fit to express the
slightest regret for this which has been already shed.

       In their answer to the Common Hall of the City of London, in vain we
look for a single  expression of regret or one sentiment of sorrow upon this
melancholy occasion; on the contrary, his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is
made to thanks the Magistrates and others concerned, in terms of high
admiration, and that too without having had an opportunity of learning the truth of
those circumstances in which their conduct appears so questionable.

       I must say that the apathy of his Majesty's Ministers upon this
occasion, to make use of the mildest terms, is not very creditable to them either as
men or as Christians.

       Gentlemen, - I will not follow their example, I will not prejudge
either the secret advisers of the Magistrates, nor the Magistrates, who were the
constituted authorities, nor even the Yeomanry Cavalry, who were the
executioners.

       One of these Magistrates I have known for many years, and it is only
fair to add, that I know him to be an excellent Lawyer - I am loath to believe
him so much to blame as some of the papers represent him to have been, and I
would fain hope, that when the proper time arrives, he will be able to make a
much better defence for himself than his friends have hitherto made for him.

       His Majesty's Ministers have told us, in the speech I have alluded to,
that the ordinary Courts of Justice are open -true. There has been one open
Court already, called a Coroner's Court, which has been conducted in a most
extraordinary manner - day after day have disgraceful proceedings taken place in
this famous Court; and finally, after some disagreeable hints from the Jury,
it has been adjourned for the space of ten weeks - probably till a Bill of
Indemnity may be obtained to cover, to say no worse of them, these equivocal
transactions. No, Gentlemen, we will not content ourselves with a Coroner's
Inquest.

       If it should appear on this investigation, that not only individual
sufferers but that the Constitution has been wounded also - let the wound be prob
ed to the bottom - neither the prosecution of Mr. HUNT for a misdemeanor on
one side, nor a radical prosecution against OWEN for perjury on the other, will
avail us.

       If our state physicians have no better remedy than this to prescribe,
they are mere quacks.

             "They will but skin and film the ulcerous place,
             "Whilst rank corruption, mining all within,
             "Infects unseen.

       Gentlemen, if no further investigation takes place, if the Ministers
prevent this national inquiry, mark what will follow - a terrible precedent
will be established - it will henceforth be in the power of any wicked Minister
to cry "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war" upon the people; and Manchester,
16th August, 1819, will be his complete defence.

       What a mockery will it then be to say, that the ears of the Prince
were always open to the cries of his people. The Prince can hear no cries - the
people can utter none - their lips will be closed - hermetically sealed for
ever.

       If, on the contrary, the omnipotence of Parliament be called upon - if
its untied wisdom be exerted without prejudice and without party feeling, and
above all without having prejudged the question - then we may congratulate
ourselves on the invaluable right of petitioning being firmly re-established,
and the wrongs of the people, if it shall appear that they have suffered wrong,
speedily and cheerfully redressed. Then, Gentlemen, and not till then,
corruption will receive a deadly blow - all ranks of society will feel a common
interest in the preservation of our glorious Constitution.

       The Peer and the Commoner, the rich and the poor, will be untied in
links of confidence towards each other, and every loyal subject, and every
honest man in his Majesty's dominions, will be compelled to allow, that the safety
of the people is the supreme law of the state.

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